Somaliland ma u baahan tahay in golaha gurtida doorasho la geliyo mise in sidaa lagu daayo? 20 oktober 2018

 

 

Somaliland ma u baahan tahay in golaha gurtida doorasho la geliyo mise in sidaa lagu daayo?

Taariikh kooban.

 

Gurtida waxa la aasaasay  sannadu markii u ahaa, 1988, waxaanna  lagu aasaasay tuuladda Caydaroosh oo ka tirsan gobollka Maroodi Jeex. Wakhtigii lagu jiray halganka dib ula soo noqoshada Somaliland.

 

Ujeeddada loo aasaasayna waxa ay  ahayd laba arrimood

 

 

1- Sidii islaax iyo isku soo dhawayn looga dhex samayn lahaa saraakiisha sar sare ee SNM, oo arrimaha qaarkood isku khilaafsanaa.

 

2- Sidii ay u soo uruurin lahaayeen xoolihii Ciidamadu cuni lahaayeen

 

Shirweynihii Somaliland ee boorama, 1993, ayaa lagu go’aamiyey in gole qaran laga dhigo, dhistuurka qarankana lagu qoray. Tirada Xubnaha gurtida waxa ay bilawgii ahaayeen 75 xubnood. Shirweynihi qaran ee 1997, ee lagu dooranayey madaxweynihii 2 aad ee Somaliland. ee Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigaal (Ilaahay ha unaxariisto) ayaa lagu kordhiyey 7 xubnood oo loogu daray beelaha laga tirada badan yahay.  Tiro guud waxa ay isla noqodtay 82 xubnood.

 

Gurtida

Haddaba laga soo billaabo wakhtigaas 1993 illaa maanta waa gole qaran. Xubnaha gurtida Somaliland.Waxa ay kooban yihiin oo ka soo kala jeedaan dhammaan beelaha kala duwan ee Somalilandku wada nool

Mudadii ay jireen waxa ay soo qabteen hawlo waaweyn oo Somaliland u horseeday nabad iyo horumar.

 

Markii lagu daray dhistoorka Somaliland, waxa la siiyey awood aad u weyn oo ay ka mid yihiin.

 

  • In Madaxweynaha qaranka ay soo xulaan kaddibna ay iyagu doortaan, iyagoo metelaya shacabka.
  • In la soo mariyo xeerarka ka soo gudba golaha wakiilladda arrimhaas iyo arrimo kale oo badan

Waxa kale oo ay ka hawl galeen intaas oo shirar  nabadeed oo colaado ama dirrir dhex martay beelaha ay ka dhex sameeyeen islaax iyo isku  soo dhawayn fiican

 

Bilden kan innehålla: 1 person, sitter, skärm och inomhusBilden kan innehålla: 1 person

Gurtida Somaliland waa qayb ka mid ah rukumada ama tiirarka ay Somaliland ku taagan tahay. Waxa haddaba mar kasta oo ay doorasho soo dhawaato la soo hadal qaadaa golaha gurtida Somaliland.

Waxa bilawgii  1993 Somaliland yimid, sarkaal sare oo ka socda safaaadda dalka Maraykanka ku leedahay magaalad Jabuuti. Markii uu socday shirweynihii Boorama ee beelaha Somaliland kaga tashanayeen aayaha mustaqbalkood,. Oo markaaba soo jeediyey in gurtida. Waxa uu markaa soo jeediye in gurtida Somaliland ay doorasho ki yimaadaan.

Arrintan oo runtii odeyaashii ka cadhaysiisay, iyagoo u arkayey in arrimahooda hoose ay dawlad shisheeye soo fara gelisay. Markii danbe ee ay Jabuuti ugu tageen sarkaalkaas jawaab cad ay siiyeen gurtudi.  Sida ay arrimahooda hoose u xallinayaan ay iyaga u taallo ee aanay cid kale u oolin.  Weli arrintii halkii ay taagan tahay waxa dhaowr ay qolooyinka qaadhaan bixiyaashu soo jeediyeen in doorasho la geliyo golaha gurtida. Dhawr goor madaxdii dalka hoggaaminaysay ay ku gacan saydheen.

Haddaba Shacabka Somaliland waxa looga baahan yahay, in meesha ay maslaxadoodu ku jiraan ay eegaan. Dal iyo ummad kasta oo adduunka ku  nooli waxa ay leeyihiin hab ay heshiis ku yihiin oo ay isku maamulaan.

Haddaba su´aasha isweydiinta lihi waxa weeyi Somaliland u baahan tahay gurtida in doorasho la geliyo mise waa in sidaa ay tahay lagu daayaa?

Anigu waxa aan qabaa baahidii Somaliland ay u qabtay Gurtida tan iyo 1991, in ay weli taagan tahay, 2018. Waanay taagnaan doontaa baahida gurtida loo qabo  illaa inta ay jiraan beelaha Somaliland.

Somaliland si weyn ayey ugu soo caano maashay intii ay jirtay gurtidu. Waa gole dhaqan oo aad loogu bahaan yahay.

Innagoo marayna 2018, ayaa maalin walba waxa la soo sheegaa colaad ka dhex qaraxday laba beelood.  Ama dawladii iyo golihii wakiilladda ayaa is haysta, waxa ay noqonaysaa in  loo yeedho Cabdi Waraabe oo sarriirta jiifa in uu xal ka galo arrimaas.

Waxa aynnu samaynay wax cajiib ah oo adduunyadu aad ula yaabtay habkan isku dhex jirka ah ee aynnu isku maamulno, dhaqankeennii (gurtideenna) iyo dimuqraadiyad isla jaan qaaday (habka doorashada golaha deegaanka, wakiilladda iyo madaxtooyada).

 

Anigu waxa aan soo jeedin lahaa laba arrimood

  • Yaan doorasho la gelinin gurtida
  • Waa in aan la iska daba dhaxlin kursiga xubinta gurtida oo sharci laga soo saaraa.

Haddii ay geeri ku timaada xubinta gurtida ku jirta , waa in aannu dhaxlin wiilkiisi, xaaskisii ama walaalkii. Waa in beeshii kursigan lahayd  dib loogu celiyo arrinkaas oo ay iyagu dib  iskugu noqodaan kaddibna  ay beesha  dhexdooda ka soo xulaan xubintii kursigaa banaanaaday soo buuxin lahayd

 

Qalinkii: Nuux Ismaaciil Maxamed (Ina Ismaaciil Somali Airlines)

20 Oktober 2018

I dag är det precis 30 år sedan SNM erövrat Somaliland huvudstad Hargeisa

I dag är det precis 30 år sedan SNM erövrat Somaliland huvudstad Hargeisa

Idag den 31 Maj 2018, är det exakt 30 år sen SNM intagit Hargeisa, Somalilands nuvarande huvudstad Hargeisa, Klockan var runt 2:30 midnatt när Hargeysa borna hörde kraftiga explosioner sydväst om Stan, där låg millitär högkvarteren 26 . Hargiesa har fallit för SNM,s händer men som under dag gjorde millitär reträtt för, men hade tagit kontroll över staden 2 av 4 delar av Stan. General flydde från sitt residens, Somalilands nuvarande president palats, han flydde för sitt liv, när SNM attackerade militär högkvareten 26 kunde han inte stanna där utan flydde vidare till Hargeisas flygplats.

Jag kommer ihåg den natten faktiskt, Jag skulle gå på toaletten och när jag lämnade pojkrummet dörr såg min mamma stod mitt i Hallen (daarada) hon blev vaken av ljudet explotioner/granater. Jag frågade mamma vad händer nu och jag kommer inte riktigt ihåg vad hon svarade, men gick på toa och kom tillbaka från toa, jag såg att mamma stod fortfarande mitt i hallen och såg orolig ut. Jag framställde en bild av situationen och fick bild av som hände. En av mina äldre kompisar, satt i häktet i den stora eller regionen största polis högkvarter. Jag hade en bild i min hjärna  eller fick en känsla av att SNM rebellerna tog över polis högkvarteren och släppte ut alla fångar inklusive min äldre kompis, Xiid eller (Hiid). Vi fick höra sedan att  SNM rebellerna sköt granater mot polis högkvarteren och på så sätt underlätta fångarn att tas sig ur ut byggnaden.

Bilden här nere visar en brutale generalen , hänsynslöse generalen Mohamed Said Hirsi Moragn, den  ökande slaktaren (butcher) Han har blod i sina händer. Han har massmördat, tusen tal människor, unga, äldre, kvinnor och barn. Han bombade staden Hargeysa och jämnade med marken, med stridflygplan, artilleri, stridvagnar, pansar fordon osv. allts om han hade tillgängligt. Jag är en av de offer som han har från mitt kära hem till utomlands. (flykting i Sverige) En idag upptäcks nya massgravar som visar brutaliteten mot civil befolkningen i Somaliland, år 1988. I Hargeisa finns kända massgravar , en av är Mako Dur-duray, ligger ca 200 m från slaktaren, general, Morgans, säkerhets styrkors högkvarter, som kallades då division 26. Här samlades staden, vanliga människor som hade inget möjlighet att fly från de, bara för att de hamnade mitt i det hela eller  bodde nära högkvarteren, 26. De var var unga 16, 17 år gamla, äldre män, kvinnor. De band ihop alla, allas skulle står en rad, och sedan sköts de bakhuvudet. En av de som överlevde berättade senare att alla som samlades där, band ihop, sköts bakhuvudet, och mirakulöst överlevde han genom att spela att han var död bland döda kroppar.

Jag vill  varna starka bilder här som ett bevis hur massmorden gick till.

lego soldater från Syd Afrika

 

Bildresultat för hargeysa 1988

https://somaliland1991.wordpress.com/2008/05/31/i-dag-ar-det-precis-20-snm-erovrat-somaliland-huvudstad-hargeisa/

 

Relaterad bild

Relaterad bildBildresultat för hargeysa 1988

Mass grave in Hargeisa

PA038161 en grupp av utändiska experter undersöker kvarlevorna en av hargeisas massgravar

Jag ryser när jag skriver det här, minerna från hemska upplevelsen spelas framför mig nu. Jag har förlorat många vänner, kompisar, skolkamrater, en av våran klass ledare, Muse,  blev påkörd  av en stridvagn, en annan av mina klasskamrater, Omar, blev skjuten av en stridflygplan. Min skola förstördes inte bara vårt hus eller skola som förstördes allting, hus, skolor, sjukhus, moskeer, vägar, biblioteket, teater. osv  förstördes av slaktaren, general, Morgans, säkerhets styrkor  som fick direkt order från honom. Han skall ställas inför rätta, han skall inte komma undan vad han har gjort mot civilbefolkningen i Somaliland mellan 1988-1991. Rättvisan måste  komma.

slaktaren, general, Morgans överste Morgan

PA038161

Hundreds of thousands of people have been killed, dispersed or bombed out of their homes in northern Somalia after government military operations, which Western aid workers say, are little short of genocide.

The action has been concentrated on the three northern towns of Hargeisa, Berbera and Burao where some 20,000 people are believed to have died in recent bombing raids by the government against the strongholds of the rebel Somali National Movement.

Many thousands of others are being systematically denied food because Somali forces are deliberately holding up essential supplies.

Aid officials said that up to 800,000 people – almost all of them Issaq nomads- have been displaced as a result of the civil war. A quarter of these, and possibly as many as 300,0000, were now struggling to survive in wretched conditions in refugee camps in Ethiopia while a similar number had been forced to leave Africa. The fate of those who can no longer be traced remains largely unknown.


Several European Aid agencies including Oxfam, Save the Children and ActionAid from Britain, have been working in the horn of Africa for several years. Representatives spoke yesterday to The Guardian because of concern but asked not to be identified so that their work would not be prejudiced.

Officials are talking of the partial destruction of the Issaq and of what amounts to “a great cover-up” to prevent an international outcry against the government. The Americans, they said, had not confronted the government in the way they should have done over “the horrific things”, which have been happening. The US maintains a military base at Berbera on the Gulf of Aden.

A US state department spokesman said last night that the “worst excesses” of the civil war had occurred last summer. US policy, he added, was not to cover up the war but to encourage national reconciliation by urging the government to talk with the rebels in the north.

Until about eight months ago the urbanised population of Issaqs were concentrated in Hargeisa, Berbera and Burao. Although few journalists have been authorised to visit the area, tens of thousands of people are understood to have died during a series of bombing raids on the towns last August, conducted mainly by mercenaries recruited in Zimbabwe.

“They just bombed and bombed and bombed,” an agency man, recently returned from Somalia, said. Hargeisa, which originally had a population of 350,000, was 70% destroyed. Burao was “devastated” in the same raids.

Issaqs who survived from the bombings are said to have been rounded up in the streets by Somali troops and summarily shot. Mass graves have since been found as well as corpses, which were left to rot in the streets where they fell.

The people now living in the three towns are believed to be totally non-Issaq or military personnel who have been deputed to guard what has been retaken from the SNM.

These claims, widely accepted by agencies who have been working in the country for some years, are to be investigated by Amnesty International team, which hopes to visit Somalia next month.

The situation has strained Somalia relations with Britain although the overseas development administration has been heavily involved in several aid programs there.

Several agencies have also had to consider their position carefully. Some have cited “impossible” working conditions, including the deliberate obstruction of food deliveries to areas in urgent need.

An Australian agency, Community Aid Abroad, preparing a dossier of complaints against the Somali government, is expected allege that there have been threats against staff members and local recruits.

The situation of 200,000 Somali refugees living in desert camps in southern Ethiopia is also causing acute concern.

Aid officials talk of “political nightmare” and “potential total disaster area”.

Now, in the middle of the dry season, the camps are said to be without access to fresh natural water supplies, having to depend for minimal supplies on erratic electric pumps.

In addition, more nutrition in the camps has been steadily increasing while food distribution is said to be “appalling”. Food is distributed from barbed wire enclosures where would-be recipients may be forced to wait up to two days only to be told supplies have run out.

Source: The Guardian, January 1989.

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Somaliland Votes For A New President

http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/w172vtw5fn6nltt

 

Somaliland Votes For A New President

People in Somaliland have been voting for a new president in an election that the authorities hope will also help to boost their case for international recognition.

Plus Kenyan Defence Force officers strenuously deny UN allegations of colluding with Al Shabab militants in an illegal charcoal trade.

And in alphabetical order, we profile the first of the five shortlisted players for this year’s African Footballer of the Year – Borussia Dortmund and Gabon star, Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang.

(Image: A voter in Somaliland shows her inked finger, which indicates that she has voted. Credit: BBC)

Show less

Source: BBC Focus Africa
13 nov 2017

Deg-deg Doorashadii Somaliland oo lasoo Gabagabeeyay Iyo Natiijada oo la sugayo wax yar 13 nov 2017 maalin isniinah

 

The man who buried Somaliland’s dead (Al Jazeera)

 

 

http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/11/man-buried-somaliland-dead-171112142346344.html

The man who buried Somaliland’s dead

by

The man who buried Somaliland's dead
Ibrahim Abdullahi said government soldiers were rounding up men of fighting age in Hargeisa to prevent them from joining the SNM rebel group [Matthew Vickery/Al Jazeera]

It was June 2, 1988, and Hargeisa was under attack. The rat-a-tat-tat of nearby artillery rose above the city and filled Ibrahim Abdullahi’s ears, but the battle was in the north and hadn’t reached his government-controlled southern district – at least not yet.

As he nervously ventured outside, Abdullahi’s mind raced. He had already sent his wife and eight children to safety in Ethiopia, but he felt a longing to stay in Hargeisa, a need to protect his modest mud-brick home and keep it occupied to deter looters and to defend the product of years of his hard work.

Everything had happened so quickly.

Just days before, Somali National Movement (SNM) rebels had captured nearby Burao city from Somalia’s national army, and Hargeisa was now in their sights. But it seemed that government soldiers were determined to stop that at any cost.

Within the past two days, Abdullahi had heard that killings had begun.

“I’ll take it day by day,” Abdullahi thought to himself. “If the situation gets worse and there’s an opportunity to run – then I’ll go.”

Government soldiers were rounding up men of fighting age in Hargeisa to prevent them from joining the SNM.

Crouched down outside his home, Abdullahi’s mind wandered to thoughts of fleeing again.

Rumours were circulating that women and children were also being targeted, but he had no way to know for sure. Some people had even said government bombers were pursuing fleeing families as they tried to escape.

He thought of his wife and kids and prayed the rumours were untrue.

Then, out of nowhere, he heard his name.

“Ibrahim Abdullahi?!”

The noise of gunfire hung in the air, but it remained at least a couple of kilometres away. But here, as he looked up, tens of metres from him, was a small group of government soldiers.

Abdullahi’s mind raced again. Civilian or not, he was of fighting age.

“Yes, that’s me,” he murmured, trying not to let the fear in his head spill into his words.

“Come!” the commander barked, several soldiers standing menacingly beside him, guns cocked and ready. “We need you.”

Walking towards what he assumed was certain death, Abdullahi took one deep breath and ventured forward.

Using an intricately carved wooden cane to help his ageing legs, 75-year-old Abdullahi stands tall and proud, albeit a little unsteady before lowering himself into a black leather swivel chair in the unassuming office building in Hargeisa.

It’s 2017, and the walls of the office are dotted with photos of men in masks working meticulously, digging at the dusty ground and carefully brushing away dirt from skeletons that haven’t seen the light of day in decades.

“I remember burying bodies in that grave,” Abdullahi says gesturing towards one of the photos on the wall in front of him, “and that one”, he adds, his eyes slowly tracing the room.

“Some days I must have buried hundreds, some days just dozens,” he continues. “People were being killed everywhere in the town. They didn’t see a difference between men, women, or children – everybody was to be killed.”

Abdullahi’s story precedes the man in Hargeisa, the capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland that announced its separation from Somalia after the government of Siad Barre collapsed in 1991.

His weathered face – one that seems to have as many wrinkles as years he’s had in his life – may not be well-known in the city, but in every corner of the capital his story is legendary, some regarding it as truth, others as myth.

But in the office of the War Crimes Commissioner, Abdullahi’s story has been confirmed again and again – over the years, he’s been the key to reuniting distraught families with the remains of their loved ones.

“Those were black days, black black days,” Abdullahi repeats as he recalls memories that have stayed fresh in his mind three decades later.

Resting his cane on the table in front of him, Abdullahi begins to tell his story, his eyes darting from side to side as his mind rewinds through the years to 1988 and the 28 days of his life that have defined him ever since.

‘I’m only alive to do this job’

The city was a ghost town. Buildings lay abandoned, dead bodies were scattered in the streets, and the smell of death lingered in the air.

As Abdullahi walked, everything started to become familiar. He wasn’t walking to a military barracks like he first thought; he was on his way to the Ministry of Public Services where he was employed handling heavy machinery like tractors and diggers.

“Go and get one of the machines that can dig,” the commander said abruptly when they arrived outside the complex. “Be quick, we have to go – there are bodies waiting.”

Abdullahi did as he was told.

Within an hour he was at Malko Durduro, a valley area in western Hargeisa, digging into the soft soil. Several government soldiers stood around his digger with 10  bodies tied together lying beside them, blood still seeping through clothes and staining the sandy earth below them.

As he listened to the soldiers speaking among themselves it became apparent to Abdullahi that the army didn’t want the bodies buried in an effort to cover their crimes – they were fed up with the smell. His job, as their new prisoner, was to get rid of it.

The corpses were unrecognisable. Pieces of flesh ripped off their bodies from head to toe, shot to pieces by an anti-aircraft gun that sat nearby.

“If I didn’t know how to operate this equipment they would kill me, I would be lying there as well,” Abdullahi realised as he dug. “There’s no one else in the town; I’m only alive because they need me to do this job.”

To survive, he would have to dig.

Guarded day and night, Abdullahi dug to save his life. Barely allowed time to rest, he buried hundreds of bodies a day in that first week.

At first, the dead were men, mostly in fatigues – rebels. After a few days, the fatigues disappeared, and women started appearing, then children. All killed in the same way – tied together in groups of 10, shot, their faces sometimes slashed with knifes and mutilated.

The soldiers may maim and deface them; they may chuck the bodies on the ground like pieces of rotten meat as though they were never humans with emotions, dreams, wants and desires – but he knew otherwise. They were fathers and sons, mothers and daughters, and even in death, they deserved respect.

In those first few days, Abdullahi swore to himself that he would at least give them that.

The most important thing to him was to get everyone buried before nightfall, before wild animals would come out of the bush and claw away at the bodies. If he could just do that, he thought, it would be some way at least to give the dead some dignity after such a violent and unjust end. It was how he could show respect, his silent rebellion against his captors.

For days on end, he worked from dawn till dusk, burying the war crimes of a regime that wanted him and his people dead. He did what he could to keep his mind blank. He thought of his family and daydreamed about where they could be, safe and away from the living hell that their hometown had become.

He trained himself to concentrate on digging, to distance himself from what was happening. That’s the only way he would survive.

Then, after two weeks, one of the bodies spoke.

Ibrahim Abdullahi returns to Malko Durduro and the mass graves he dug three decades ago. [Matthew Vickery/Al Jazeera]

‘I still can’t sleep at night’

The ground slips a little below Abdullahi’s feet after a night of heavy rain turned the bone-dry dirt in Malko Durduro to mud.

“It’s important we teach what happened in the past so it never happens again,” Abdullahi says using his cane to steady himself as Al Jazeera takes the 75-year-old back to the mass graves he dug three decades ago at the notorious execution site of Malko Durduro.

“My biggest fear is that what happened here will be forgotten.”

Plagued by a deadly and devastating drought all year, the night’s rain was the proverbial drop in the ocean, bringing more joy to the residents of the Somali city than water. But it was still something to a region that has been battling extreme weather conditions throughout 2017.

“Every year when there’s heavy rain more skeletons appear,” Abdullahi says, scanning every inch of the area as he meanders from side to side. “It brings all the memories flooding back.”

To Abdullahi’s left, imposing cliffs of dirt stretch several metres up, small trees and cacti clinging onto the edge – just another rainy night away from succumbing to erosion and joining Abdullahi on the valley floor.

Returning to Malko Durduro three decades after he was forced to bury thousands of bodies here, it doesn’t take long before Abdullahi’s mind takes him back to those dark days.

“I still can’t sleep at night remembering him,” Abdullahi says, recalling the one body – the only body – which looked up to him from among the dead and spoke.

It was two weeks into his captivity when Abdullahi came across a miracle.

A man who had somehow survived the firing squad and then played dead as soldiers piled the executed into a grave.

The miracle was short lived.

Facing being buried alive, there was only one thing the survivor could do. He spoke.

“He was supposed to be dead,” Abdullahi says pausing. “He talked to me, pleaded with me, ‘please untie me’, but the soldiers heard him speaking. They untied him from the corpses, forced him to stand up, and they shot everywhere at him, all around him, even at the trees.”

“I had to do this job to survive,” he adds, looking for understanding.

Digging his cane into the soft ground, Abdullahi walks the valley floor for several minutes, his eyes wandering the surroundings as his memories take him back to that time. He can’t prevent them, even if he wanted to.

Stopping in his tracks and using the cane as an extension of himself, Abdullahi motions towards the cliff side. Within seconds, and without words, it’s clear what he’s trying to draw attention to. Exposed by the rain and protruding from the wet cliffside is the unmistakable bone-white colour of a skull, almost waiting for the right moment to drop to the ground and join its burier on the floor below.

To the right of the skull, the tips of ribs stick out at differing angles sandwiched between greenish brown fabrics – fatigues.

“He was a rebel,” Abdullahi says, filling the silence. “I remember burying there.”

The skeleton of a rebel lies in a shallow grave at Malko Durduro, exposed after a night of heavy rain [Matthew Vickery/Al Jazeera]

Panning the area, just tens of metres away from the newly exposed skeleton more bones stick out – this time there are no fatigues. The bones of a civilian killed by the army, and then buried by Abdullahi.

“I remember being taken to this valley and a military vehicle pulled up with an official inside it,” he recalls.

“They pushed 12 bodies out of it, bodies of school children – they were still in their shirts and dresses. They had no noticeable gunshot wounds. A soldier told me all of their blood had been drained from them so it could be used for the national army. That soldier cried as he told me, he cried for almost five minutes.”

“Those were the worst days of my life.”

As he speaks, the faint sound of playing children carries through the air from a school less than 100 meters away. Throughout the land surrounding the school, more bodies are scattered, waiting to be exposed, identified by forensics, and eventually returned to their waiting families decades later.

For Abdullahi, the memories of the people he buried will never leave him. But he counts himself lucky he survived.

As the bodies reduced from hundreds a day at the beginning of Abdullahi’s captivity, to just a few per day after three weeks, he knew his time was running out. Soon he would be surplus to requirements, and if he didn’t find a way to escape, he would be killed too.

But on the 28th day – for the very first time – he found himself alone.

Abdullahi didn’t need a second opportunity.

“The guards were getting more relaxed with me as I hadn’t tried to escape, but on the 28th day I was out in the valley and realised there was no one watching me – I ran,” he says, describing his bid for freedom.

Hiding until nightfall, Abdullahi smuggled himself out of Hargeisa. Within days, he had gathered information about the whereabouts of his wife and kids – they had survived the bombers and were still alive.

After two days and three nights of walking, he made it to their refugee camp in Ethiopia.

Walking into the camp on the morning of the third day, Abdullahi saw his family in the distance, and for the briefest of moments, the memories of the dead left him.

“At that moment, when I saw them again – I felt reborn.”

The 75-year-old says he’s lived a good life as a husband and a father to twelve children – he had four more after returning to Hargeisa after the war.

He’s come to terms with what he witnessed and became a part all those years ago, and has found some comfort in helping the Somaliland authorities to recover the dead – 2,000 of whom remain buried.

“My children, to this day, call me ‘the walking dead’ when they see me,” he says, laughing a little to himself. “They couldn’t believe I survived. They still can’t.”

 

SOURCE: Al Jazeera News

Somaliland polls close in election of new president

 

 

Somaliland polls close in election of new president


A woman casts her vote in the presidential election in Hargeisa, in the semi-autonomous region of Somaliland, in Somalia Monday, Nov. 13, 2017. More than 700,000 registered voters across Somaliland are expected to cast their votes Monday to elect their fifth president, as the ruling party faces a strong challenge from opposition candidates. (Barkhad Kaariye/Associated Press)
November 13 at 12:28 PM
MOGADISHU, Somalia — Polls have closed and the counting of votes has begun in Somalia’s semi-autonomous region of Somaliland which is electing their fifth president Monday as the ruling party faces a strong challenge from opposition candidates.

Results are expected by Friday. The Somaliland government will block access to social media during the vote-counting period to try to prevent the spread of rumors about election results.

More than 700,000 voters registered to cast their votes at more than 1,600 polling stations across Somaliland amid tight security in the peaceful enclave.

This election was be the first in Africa one to use iris-scan biometric technology to prevent anyone from voting more than once, said Somaliland’s electoral officials.

Three candidates are running for president following weeks of election campaigns. The current president is stepping down after his five-year term was controversially extended for two-and-a-half years because of a shortage of funds and a drought. Muse Bihi Abdi, the candidate for the ruling Kulmiye party and his main challenger Abdirahman Irro from the opposition Wadani party are slight favorites over Feisal Ali Warabe, a veteran politician from the opposition party UCID.

The new president will serve a five-year term that can be renewed once. The vote was be monitored by a British-funded team of 60 international observers from 27 countries.

Somaliland, a haven of relative peace in northwestern Somalia declared its unilateral independence from Somalia in 1991. However, no country has so far recognized it as an independent state. Some voters said they hope Monday’s election will help Somaliland’s push for international recognition.

“We hope it’ll be a peaceful election that will prove to the world that Somaliland deserves an international recognition,” said Barkhad Jama, a resident in Hargeisa, Somaliland’s capital.

Copyright 2017 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

 

Source: Washington Post

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2017/11/10/somalilands-presidential-elections-take-place-oct-13-after-many-delays/?utm_term=.07ba619ff491

Somaliland votes next week. Its biggest challenges come after the election.

November 10

Livestock traders chat in front of a row of camels in the livestock market of Hargeisa, the capital of the Somaliland autonomous region. (Paul Schemm for The Washington Post)

On Nov. 13, Somalilanders will vote for a new president. The campaign kicked off in dramatic fashion in October with Somaliland’s first-ever presidential debate shown live on national television, and large campaign rallies.

Here’s what you need to know:

Somaliland has a long history of elections and executive turnover

A former British protectorate, Somaliland enjoyed five days of sovereign independence before uniting with Somalia in 1960. Following a brutal civil war, Somaliland dissolved its union with Somalia in 1991 and continues to exist as an unrecognized de facto state.

With 4 million people and a territory of 68,000 square miles, Somaliland impresses outside observers with its sustained process of electoral democracy and a hybrid blend of traditional and modern state institutions. Somaliland’s stability stands in contrast to the insecurity and poor governance in neighboring Somalia.

And unlike Somalia’s uneven transition record, Somaliland has seen peaceful leadership transitions for decades. The first president, Abdirahman Ahmed Ali Tuur (1991-1993), accepted defeat in an indirect election in 1993. President Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal (1993-2002) then led Somaliland for nearly a decade. Vice President Dahir Riyale Kahin (2002-2010) ascended to the presidency after Egal’s death and remained in office after winning an election in 2003.

Riyale accepted defeat and peacefully transferred power in 2010 to Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud “Silanyo” in accordance with Somaliland’s constitution. Silanyo opted not to seek reelection in 2017, and there are three contenders in the current election.

To be sure, democracy depends on more than regular executive turnover. Recent presidential elections have seen extensive delays. There have been no parliamentary elections since 2005, and journalists and independent media experience arrest and harassment. International election observers found widespread multiple voting during 2012 local council elections but accepted those elections as “largely free and credible” — though they were not fully free and fair.

There have been a series of electoral delays

Somaliland was supposed to hold joint presidential and parliamentary elections in 2015. Severe drought and several political controversies led to multiple postponements. Droughts then forced pastoralists in the country to migrate, which meant that the March 2017 target election date would not be possible after delays in voter registration.

Ultimately, complicated negotiations between the political parties and the National Electoral Commission and an intervention by the upper house of parliament led to the decision to hold the presidential ballot Nov. 13,  and then hold a separate parliamentary poll in April 2019 in combination with local government elections.

The decision to delay both elections, then separate them and further delay the parliamentary elections, greatly angered Somaliland’s Western supporters. One of the opposition candidates has repeatedly expressed concerns over the fairness of the electoral process, yet there is every reason to hope that Somaliland’s presidential elections will be peaceful and ultimately widely accepted. One concern, of course, is the possibility of disruption from the al-Shabab terrorist group.

Somaliland’s system of limiting each political party to campaigning only on certain days of the week has calmed nerves and minimized pre-election violence in past elections. The iris-based biometric voter registration process was largely successful and generally accepted by the electorate. This should obviate many of the problems noted in the 2012 local council elections.

Who is running for president?

Three parties are fielding presidential candidates. Musa Bihi Abdi is the presidential candidate of the ruling Kulmiye Party. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi “Irro” represents the Waddani Party. Faysal Ali “Warabe” represents the UCID Party. Both UCID and Kulmiye competed in the 2003 and 2010 presidential elections, but this is the first election for the Waddani Party, which earned the right to field a candidate based on its performance in the 2012 local elections.

During the October presidential debate, all three candidates agreed on the need to improve education, combat unemployment and pursue international recognition — no countries have officially recognized Somaliland. Abdi pledged to increase the representation of women in politics and to introduce compulsory national service for high school and university graduates. Irro was emphatic that he would not allow term extensions or delayed elections — and he promised to strengthen the powers of the Central Bank to combat inflation. Warabe promised more government intervention in the economy and to devote 15 percent of the government’s budget to health care.

Somaliland’s most pressing challenges come after the election

Whoever wins the presidential election will inherit a fragile political economy — one that is highly dependent on diaspora remittances and livestock exports in a drought-prone region. The new president will also take over what political scientist Kenneth Menkhaus has termed a “functional failed state” with a few “clusters of competence.” In other words, the state functions, and maintains public order and a degree of economic growth, but has limited government capacity, low levels of institutionalization, and modest budgets.

An overriding concern is that Somaliland has limited state capacity — though the National Election Commission seems to be one area that works. Somaliland’s 2017 budget of $362 million represents about $100 per person of government spending, which is significantly lower than the sub-Saharan Africa average and also that of other conflict states. More than half the budget typically goes to security, leaving little room for education, health, infrastructure or development spending.

To date, this has been accepted practice because Somalilanders are “hostages to peace” who value the maintenance of peace and stability above all else. The human development costs, however, are vast, and popular demands on the government to address these needs are growing.

Members of Somaliland’s Guurti, or upper house, have not been elected or selected since 1997. They have extended their own terms in office, with some members being replaced by immediate offspring.

 

Source: Washington Post

Somaliland’s voting technology shows how Africa can lead the world (theconversation)

 

 

https://theconversation.com/somalilands-voting-technology-shows-how-africa-can-lead-the-world-87311

Somaliland’s voting technology shows how Africa can lead the world

Somaliland’s shift to use iris recognition in a presidential election stems from distrust in the voting system. Shutterstock

Africa has become a testing ground for technological leapfrogging. This is a process that involves skipping stages and moving rapidly to the frontiers of innovation.

Technological leapfrogging in Africa has, so far, focused on economic transformation and the improvement of basic services. Drones are a good example: they’re used in the continent’s health services and in agriculture. In South Africa, robots play a crucial role in mining.

Now, in a remarkable extension of technological leapfrogging, Somaliland has become the first country in the world to use iris recognition in a presidential election. This means that a breakaway republic seeking international recognition will have the world’s most sophisticated voting register.

Democracy and tech in Africa

Somaliland’s shift to such advanced voting technology emerged from a lack of trust because of problems with the 2008 elections. For instance, names were duplicated in the voter register because of pressure from local elders. These fraudulent activities and other logistical issues threatened to undermine Somaliland’s good standing in the international community.
Of course, Somaliland is not the only country in Africa to experience problems with its election processes. Others, like Kenya, have also turned to technology to try and deal with their challenges. This is important. Being able to hold free, fair and credible elections is critical in democratic transitions. The lack of trust in the electoral process remains a key source of political tension and violence.

Technology can help – and Somaliland is set to become a regional powerhouse in the production and deployment of the technological know-how that underpins electronic voting.

So how did Somaliland reach this point? And what lessons do its experiences hold for other countries?

Important lessons

The first lesson, then, relates to political will. Since 1991, Somaliland has operated as an autonomous state trying to build new institutions. One of its central goals is to gain international recognition as a sovereign state. Being able to conduct free, fair, credible and just elections is central to this goal and its international image. Somaliland wants to rank highly in the indices of democratic performance – and that’s a strong driver to develop and embrace electoral practices that are in line with international standards.

The second involves problem-solving and incremental technological learning. Somaliland wanted to reduce voter duplication. It compared the efficacy of different face, finger and iris recognition technologies, and this assessment showed that iris recognition was superior.

Pilot efforts then allowed for lessons in the design of the system, which helped to reduce anxiety over the consequences of possible failure during elections. It also made the process transparent; interested users could access the available datasets. This enhanced public trust.

Somaliland has also wisely used international experts in biometrics. Much of the debate about the use of electronic voting systems centres on how the technology is procured. The country sought the support of Notre Dame University in the US in 2014. Their world class work on biometrics is led by Professor Kevin Bowyer. Such partnerships ensure technical expertise. This, in turn, helps boost ordinary people’s trust in their country’s electoral system.

The shift to electronic voting has also influenced the conduct of some observation missions. In Somaliland, electoral observation will in future include examinations of the iris recognition technology. This changes the expertise needed to observe elections.

This approach is in sharp contrast with the 2017 Kenya elections. There, international observers used traditional monitoring methods – and validated an election that was later annulled by the country’s Supreme Court. It was a case where electoral institutions had not caught up with technology.

Wider issues

This raises some wider issues that need to be addressed so that they don’t get in the way of this progression.

The first is to emphasise that the technology, in most cases, will enhance and upgrade political infrastructure – even if they appear to bypass or replace it. For example, there are concerns that drones, used to transport medical supplies in places like Rwanda and Tanzania, divert financial resources from multi-purpose infrastructure like roads. In fact, the use of drones in medical supplies expands infrastructure options. They allow countries to align delivery means with specific needs, in a timely and efficient manner.

Secondly, technological and service leapfrogging usually go together. This has been demonstrated in Africa’s mobile revolution. The widespread adoption of the Mpesa money transfer system best illustrates this point, as it is about changes in consumer behaviour and local manufacturing.

Finally, there are ample opportunities for international joint ventures in technological leapfrogging across Africa. Many of them however are being smothered by taxation and regulations. This is partly because of the pressure to generate state revenue and partially due to a lack of understanding.

With more products and processes to trade with, the world stands to benefit from Africa’s increased participation in the global technology market. And it is encouraging to see that this is a movement which has the political support of African presidents; a support reflected in the adoption of the Science, Technology and Innovation in Africa Strategy (STISA-2024) by the African Union.

For now, Africa’s technological futures are not only open but expanding in all directions. Somaliland’s application in improving governance is the tip of the iceberg. It creates exciting possibilities for the continent to provide leadership in other areas of technological advancement.

 

(theconversation)

Somaliland1991 News Center

Xusuus Reeb : Prof Saleebaan Axmed Guuleed

 

Somaliland that are seeking their independence from Somalia, or with neighbors such as Ethiopia or Eritrea. They could see a militarily stronger Somali government as a threat.” (Arab News)

 

 

Middle-East

Turkey opens $50m training camp for Somali Army

 
ANKARA: Turkey opened its largest overseas military training camp on Saturday on a 400-hectare seafront site in Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia.
The $50 million camp, which has been under construction since March 2015, was inaugurated by Somali Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khaire and Gen. Hulusi Akar, Turkey’s military chief of staff. About 200 Turkish soldiers will train 10,000 troops from the Somali Army, in squads of 1,500 at a time.
“Somalia needs the help of professional trainers such as Turkey’s, and there is a close relationship between the two countries, so this could be hugely beneficial to Somalia and a morale booster for the Somali people,” Abdirashid Hashi, director of the Heritage Institute for Policy Studies in Mogadishu, told Arab News. “It also strengthens the Turkish government’s presence and influence in Somalia.”
Ibrahim Nassir, an Africa expert at ANKASAM, a think tank in Ankara, said the camp was a concrete reflection of Turkey’s historical responsibilities in the region since Ottoman times. “The insecurity of Somalia has a spill-over effect on the general instability in the region. Therefore, with the restructuring of the Somali National Army, Turkey will contribute to the regional security,” he said.
“I don’t see any security risk for Turkish milita
ry officers who will be stationed there. Security conditions have improved in the capital, and Turkey also has a good image there. It has constantly been offering help in capacity building, and does not have a colonialist footstep in the country.”
Turkey also has experience in providing military training to officers of some African Union countries, including Somalia, in their fight against the terrorist group Al-Shabab.
Nassir also underlined the long experience of the Turkish military in counter-terrorism efforts against the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and Daesh.
Pinar Akpinar, a scholar at the Conflict Resolution and Mediation Stream of the Istanbul Policy Center, said establishing a military camp in Somalia was a way for Turkey to secure a long-term role thereby balancing soft and hard power capabilities, and was part of a broader policy of establishing a military stronghold in the Gulf of Aden.
“This is a trend among regional powers due to the diminishing US interest in the region and their aspirations to increase their leverage in the region by undertaking security provider roles,” she told Arab News.
However, the training camp was not without its risks, she said. “Somalia is a post-conflict country that still faces problems with Al-Shabab, and regional authorities such as Somaliland that are seeking their independence from Somalia, or with neighbors such as Ethiopia or Eritrea. They could see a militarily stronger Somali government as a threat.”
Source: Arab News
Somaliland1991 News Center

SALDHIGGA CIIDAN EE TURKIGU MUQDISHO KA FURTAY YAA KA FAA’IDAYA MA DHINAC MISE LABA DHINAC? (xigasho Maxamed Hagi)

SALDHIGGA CIIDAN EE TURKIGU MUQDISHO KA FURTAY YAA KA FAA’IDAYA MA DHINAC MISE LABA DHINAC?

Bildresultat för turkish military

Bildresultat för turkish military

Bildresultat för turkish military

Bildresultat för sawiro saldiga milatari ee turkiga muqdisho

Bildresultat för saldiga milatari ee turkiga

Bildresultat för saldiga milatari ee turkiga

Dalka Turkigu waxa uu saldhigga ugu weyn ee ciidan dalkiisa ahi yeesho ka furtay magaalada Muqdisho maalintii shalay ahayd. Xaddiga lacageed ee uu ku kacay saldhiggu waxa la gu qiyaasay in ay dhan tahay $50,000,000. Waxa kale oo dawladda Xamar caddaysay in la gu tobabari doono ciidan Soomaali ah oo gaadhaya 10,000 oo askari.

Bildresultat för saldiga milatari ee turkiga

Waxa ay iyana dawladda Turkigu ay uga markhaati kacday dawladda Xamar in saldhigga ciidan uu ka caawin doono Soomaaliya helista ciidan tayo leh oo ku filnaada ilaalinta amniga iyo difaaca dalkooda. Marka la ga yimaad, weedhaha yiddidiilada ah ee labada dhinac ay isku waydaarsadeen furista saldhigga Turkiga ee Muqdisho. Bal aan aqoonta iyo garashada siyaasadda la kaashanno waxa ka dhexeeya Turkiga iyo Soomaaliya dhinacyada amniga iyo dhaqaalaha.

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Fahamka noocan ahi waxa uu innagu beegayaa in aynnu jawaabo sax ah oo maangal ah ku oddorosno sheegashada labada dhinac ee ah in Turkigu Soomaaliya u faa’idaynayo oo uu walaalnimo kaalmaynayo – sida uu ku doodayo Ra’isal-Wasaare Khayre iyo hoggaanka ciidanka Turkiga Hulusi Akar, iyo in dhanka kale – saldhiggaa ciidan uu noqon doono hal bacaad la gu lisay oo hal dhinac oo Turkiga ahi faa’idadiisa musaqbal uu ku keliyeysan doono .

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Bildresultat för sawiro saldhiga milatari ee turkiga muqdisho

Bildresultat för saldiga milatari ee turkiga

Turkiga cusubi waxa uu Soomaaliyada cusub yimi 2011 goor ay Soomaaliya abaaro iyo macaluul aad u faro-weyni dul hoganeysay oo baahida aadane ay dhuuxa iyo lafaha jabisay. Wakhtigaa dhegaha Soomaalida reer Soomaaliya wax hoo aan ahayn ma ay dhawaaq dhegaysaneyn. Wakhtigaa dayacu jiray ayuu Turkigu ka faa’idaystay Soomaali! U ma uu faa’idayn Soomaali oo iyadu sidaa u haysata – waase uu ka faa’idaystay oo uu khariirad siyaasi ah ku dul jeexday!

Gargaarkaa Turkiga oo la gu sheegay in uu dhammaa $200,000,000, waxa uu Turkigu raaciyey 2012 heshiis la magac baxay ‘The Enforcement Pact’ oo dhanka ciidanka ah. Waana kan sababay in Turkigu saldhigga ciidan ee ugu weyn ka furto Muqdisho. Heshiiskaa laftiisa waxa uu Turkigu ballanqaaday in uu ciidanka Soomaaliya tobabarro siin doono dhinacyada cirka, dhulka iyo badda intaba.

Ogow marka dal saldhig ciidan oo noqonaya kiisa ugu weyn amma ugu horreeya ee adduunka uu furanayo, waxa dalka uu ka saldhigga ka dhisanayaa ka qaataa lacag toban jeer ka badan tan saldhigyada caadiga ah la ga qaato. Sababtuna waa in baahida dalka ciidan jimicsanaya loo ga faa’idaysto dhaqaale ahaan. Nasiib-darro-se Soomaaliya ammuurtaa waa ay ka indho iyo dhego la’ dahay – waxana ay u ciil qabtaa cid shilimo hoo tidhaa aan xisaab celin lahayn si loo boobo. Ummad ba’daay yaa ku leh?

Intaa kuma uu san joogin e, waxa uu sannadkii xigay ee 2013 la galay heshiis dhanka dekedda Muqdisho ah – isaga oo dabada ka riixaya shirkad Turki ah oo la yidhaa Al-Bayrak si ay labaatan sano u maamusho dekedda. Waxana lagu heshiisyey in 55% dakhliga dekedda ka soo xerooda la siiyo dawladda Xamar halka 45% kale uu Turkigu qaadanayo. Sidoo kale madaarkii Muqdisho ayaa isna waxa la wareegtay shirkad Turkiga ah oo dawli ah oo la yidhaa Favori LLC.

Sida dawladda Turkigu ay miisaaniyaddeeda ka warrineyso, dalka Soomaaliya dhaqaale aad u badan ayaa Turki ka soo gala, waxana uu noqday dalka shanaad ee uu alaabta ugu badan kala soo dego adduunyada. Alaabtaa la ga la soo degaa waxa ay tahay si waafi ah loo ma caddayn – sidoo kale cid la xisaabtami karta Turki oo Soomaaliya joogtaana ma jirto – waayo waa hore ayuu qalbiga iyo maankaba ka xaday isaga oo ka faa’idaysanaya qoqobka iyo gaajada Soomaalida dhex taal.

Ammuurta ciidanka iyo tobabarkiisa suuro-galnimadeeda waa uu ogyahay in aaney munaasib ahayn. Waayo dalalka jaarka ah oo uu cilaaqaad fiican la leeyahay ayaan kalsooni ku qabin in ciidan danbe Soomaaliya loo dhiso. Isaga oo taa dhawraya – afka oo uu ka yidhaa ciidan ayaan dhisayaa iyo waxoogaa dhoolla-tus ah oo uu saraakiil darajooyin ugu soo talo marka la ga yimaad -Turki sinaba ugu suuro-galimayso isna diyaar u ma aha ciidan cid ka raalli ahi aaney jirin oo Soomaali qudheedu ay ku kala qaybsan tahay in uu Muqdisho ka dhiso.

Dhanka kale golaha amniga ee qaramada midoobay waxa ay Soomaaliya u xaqiijiyeen in wakhtigan aan la ga taageerayn dhisme ciidan – laakiin taa beddelkeeda ciidamada AMISOM dhaqaalaha loo kordhin doono si ay dawladda u ilaaliyaan dalkana dimuqraaddiyad u gaadhsiiyaan. Waayo dalalka Reer Galbeedka oo ah kuwa Soomaaliya dhanka amniga ka taageera marnaba ma rumaysna in ciidan Soomaaliyeed uu dimuqraaddiyad Soomaaliya oo Federaal ah ka hir-gelin karo

Sidaa darteed, saldhigga ciidan ee Turkigu furay waxa uu noqon doonaa mid keliya u adeega danaha Turkiga ee mandaqadda. Waxa kale oo uu aad uga faa’idi doonaa helista khayraad badan oo aan cidna kula xisaabtamin – isaga oo aan waa Turkiga e, marnaba ilaawayn tobabar macno-darro ah oo dadka Soomaalida ah la gu suuxiyo si ay u moodaan in ciidan amni u ilaalinaya iyo dawladnimo danbe u soo socoto.

Mohamed Hagi Mohamoud

(xigasho Maxamed Hagi)

Somaliland1991 News Center

Madaxtooyada Somaliland Oo Xaqiijisay in Madaxeeynaha Qaliin Fudud Lagu Sameeyay

 

Somaliland1991 News Center

Wadooyin cusub oo caasimadda Somaliland ee Hargeysa laga hirgaliyey

 

Somaliland News Center

22 Ogos 2017

Muj: Axmed Jaamac Saban ( Janan Oogo) W/Q Suleymaan Yusuf Dhakhtar

Muj: Axmed Jaamac Saban ( Janan Oogo).

 

Sawirkani waa Muj.Axmed Jaamac Sabban, oo ku magac dheeraa “Janan Oogo”. Wuxuu ka mid ahaa saraakiishii waaweyneyd ee SNM. kuna shahiiday dagaaladii.

Muj. Axmed Jaamac Saban, wuxuu ku dhashay magaalada Hargeysa 1954-kii, wuxuuna waxbarashadisii hoose ku soo qaatay dugsiga Shiikh Bashii, waxbarashadii dugsiga sarena, dugsiga sare ee Faarax oomaar, Hargeysa. Markii danbena wuxuu ahaa saraakiishii Ruushka loo diray ee wax ku soo baratay, toddobatanaadkii.

Muj.Janan Oogo, markii danbe wuxuu ahaa saraakiishii waaweyneyd ee ka dhiidhiday xukunkii dooxatada,wuxuuna ku biiray ururkii dhaqdhaqaaqa waddaniga Soomaliyeed ee SNM.

Mujaahid Janan Oogo, waxaa lagu xasuusta goobo baddan oo dagaal, kii ugu danbeeyey”se ee uu noloshiisa ku waayey waxay ahayd 1988-kii, markii ciidamadii SNM, Burco galeen, oo dagaal xoogani ku socdo,gurmad baddana meel walba ciidankii Soomaaliya ka soo gaadhayo, ayaa Muj. Janan Oogo iyo saraakiil kale oo baddan waxay go’aan sadeen inay gurmadka Hargeysa ka baxaaya joojiyaan, isla markaana ay burburiyaan ciidamadii Dawladda ee fadhiyay cadaadley iyo nawaaxigeeda.

Galabnimadii 28.May.1988, ayaa saddex guuto oo kala ahaa, Sayid Cali, Barkhad iyo Sh.Sancaani, waxay usoo dhaqaaqeen inay cadawgii fadhiyay Cadaadley iyo nawaaxigeeda baabi’iyaan,
saddexdan guuto, iyagoo aan dhaqaaq joogsi lahayn ayey ciidankii cadawga isa soo kortaageen, galabnimadii 29.May.1988-kii, waa jibkooduna wuxuu ahaa.

1. Sayid Cali inuu qabto taliska guutada 86-aad oo ugu adkayd uguna xooganayd
2. Barkhad inuu qabto taliska gaaska 12naad.
3. Sancaani inuu qabto ilaalada kowaad ee Cadaadley oo fadhigeedu ahaa Weeraarta.

Mujaahid Janan Oogo, wuxuu ahaa abaanduulihii guutada Sayid Cali, oo faqashtu aad uga cabsoon jirtay. Wuxuuna galabnimadii 29.May.1988-kii, saacadu markay ahayd 05:30pm, Uu xabadii ugu horeysey ku riday, taliskii guutada 86-aad. Waxaana halkaas ka bilowday dagaal aan waxba la’iskula hadhin, waxayse guusho muddo 30 daqiiqo aan ka badnayn, ku raacday, guutadii Sayid Cali, waxayna si xarago leh ula wareegeen, taliskii 86-aad ee ciidanka faqashta.

Waxaase soddonkaas daqiiqo ku shahiiday, abaanduulihii guutada Sayid Cali, Muj. Axmed Jaamac Saban, “Janan Oogo” oo ciidadamada hor kacaayey. iyo afar mujaahid oo kale.

Si’loogu dayduu geesina u diriraa
Meesha ay dad ka maagaan
Usha weeye lagu dayo. Abwan Ibrahim Gadhle.

Mujaahidku xilkiisii waa gutay, illahayna janatal farduusa haku abaal mariyo, waxaase wanaagsan isaga iyo mujaahidiintii kaleba inaan la ilaawin ee la xasuus naado, goobo muhiima oo magacyadoodu ku waaraana, loogu magac daro.

Dhimashada xaqii
Waa dhaqan waddani! Abwaan Adan Tarabi.

Dhimasho xaq ah, oo ta ugu saraysa ee shahiidnimada ah, ayay shahiideen, Mujaahidiintii SNM.

Suleyman Yusufdhakhtar

Suleyman Yusufdhakhtars foto.
W/Q Sulemaan Yususf Dhakhtar
 Somaliland1991 News Center

Taariikhda caasimadda Jamhuuriyada Somaliland ee Hargeysa W/Q AHMED RASHEED

 

http://waaheen.com/2014/09/26/hargeysa/

 

Hargeysa

Published by Waaheen Media on September 26, 2014 | Comments Off on Hargeysa

Hargeysa

Hargeysa (Af-IngiriisHargeisaAf-Carabi:هرجيسا, waa magaalada labaad ee ugu weyn Wixi La Isku Odhan Jiray Soomaaliya, Hargeisa Waa Casimada Dalka Ka Go,ay Soomaaliya Walow Aan Wali La Aqoonsan Lakin Wuxu Lahaa sadex iyo Labadanki Sano Ee Uu Danbeyay Mamul Ka Madax Banan Ka Muqdisho .

Hargeisa Waxay Caan Ku Tahay Oo Dalxiis Logu Imada Buurta Laas Geel Oo Ay Ku Sawiran Yihin Ansaar Ama Farshaxan Kas Oo Ay Ka Muuqdan Dhaqanka Dadka Afsomaliga Ku Hadla Oo Ah Reer Guura Iyo Xoolo Dhaqto Magalada Hargaysa Waxay Kale Oo Ay Caan Ku Tahay Taalada Guumaystihi Ingiriska Iyo Taalada Kale Oo Ah Macankagi Kaliya Taliya Ahaa Ee Siyad Bare Taas Oo Ah Diyarad Si Xasuus Leh Loogu Xardhay Bartamaha Magalada Hargeisa

Hargaysa Waxay Ahayd Meel Ay Dhirtu Ku Badan Tahay Waxayna Ahayd Meel Bahalo Galeen Ah Sida Tariikhada Ku Cad Waxa Magalada Asasay Culimo Awdiin Kas Oo Ka Dhisay Masajid Iyo Meelo Digriga Iyo Quranka Lagu Barto Tas Oo Sahashay Inay Imaad Oo Ay Soo Dagan Dad Badan Madama Somalidu Dinta Jeceshahay

 

 

 

 

Bilowgii Degitaanka Hargaysa

Hargaysa waxay ahayd goob ay ku badan tahay dhirta isku cufanka ah oo ahaa kaymo jiq ah, taasi waxay keentay in dadkii degi jiray oo xilligaas ahaa dad reer guuraa ah inay ka firxadaan saddex shay oo ay Hargaysi caan ku ahayd wakhtigaas oo kala ahaa:

  • 1.Masas sun halis ah lahaa oo ay hoy u ahayd dhirtan isku cufanka ahayd.
  • 2.Libaaxyo raxanraxan ahaa oo dad iyo duunyaba cuni jiray
  • 3.Kaneeco aad u farabadan oo gabood ka dhigan jirtay dhirta isku dhafanka ee goobtani caanka ku ahayd.

Saddexdaas arimood ee ay nu soo xusnay waxay halis weyn ku ahaayeen dadkii iyo xoolihiis goobtaas ka ag dhaawaa, iyadoo ay taasi jirtay dadka reer guuraaga ahaa ama xoolo dhaqatada ahaa waxay kala dhici jireen xoolaha gaar ahaana geela.

waxaana goobtaan Hargaysi ku taalo ka jirtay dagaalo ka dhexeeyey qaabiilooyinkii dagi jiray Hargaysa gaar ahaana waxay isku layn jireen reer oogo iyo reer Guban ama reer waqooyi. Sida aynu soo sheegnay Hargaysi waxay ahayd goob cidlo ah oo dagaalada ka dhexeeya qabiilooyinka degi jiray agagaarka Hargaysa, waxaan intaasi sii dheeraa dhaca loo gaysto safarada iskaga goosha Berbera iyo Harar (Itoobiya) oo dadka safarka ah aad loogu dhibay.

Intaasi ka dib waxaa shiray culimadii joogtay Harar oo ka damqaday dagaallada iyo safarka dhibta lagu hayo ee ka jira Hargaysa. Waxay soo direen Sheekh Madar Ahmed Shirwac (AHN) si uu usoo afjaro colaada ka jirta Hargaysa oo meel aan la daganayn ahayd ama goob dhirtu meel kasta qarisay.

Sheekh Madar oo ahaa aasaasihii Magaalada Hargaysa wuxuu soo gaadhay Hargaysa sanadkii 1860kii badhtamihiisii isaga iyo koox culimo ah oo la socotay waxay yimaadeen dooxa Hargaysa oo dhirta ka baxdaa aad iyo aad u farabadan tahay haddii indha faraha lagaa galinayo aanad arkay, waxay madow ka qabto.

Sheekh Madar oo ahaa qofkii ugu horeeyey ee dega Hargaysa ayaa waysadiisii dalooliyay dalool yar markaasuu ku yidhi culimadii lasocotay “halkan oo dooxa Hargaysa ah ayaynu Ilaahay ku talo saaranaynaa inuu inoo dooro inaynu degno” Intaasi ka dibna biyihii waysada ee daldaloolka yar ayuu ku shushubay dooxii Hargaysa ilaa ay ka dhamaatay biyihii. Culimadii oo in muddo ah deganayd goobtan waxay xamili kari wayday kaneecadii, masaskii iyo Libaaxyadii ay goobtani ama dooxani caanka ku ahaa. Waxaa dhacday in ninkii ahaa mu’adinka oo masaajidkii ka eedaan islaahaa uu libaax cunay u sii hor fadhiistay Salaadii subaxa wadada.

Ka dib Sheekh Madar (AHN) iyo culimadii la socotay waxay u guureen meesha imika la yidhaahdo dabada cadaada oo ay in muddo ah ay daganaaayeen xiligaas wuxuuu ahaa gu’ roobab mahiigaan ahi ay ka da’ayeen Hargaysa waxay sababtay in meeshan la yidhaah dabada cadaada ay ka dhalatay kaneeco farabadan taasina ay markale dhib weyn u keentay jameecadii ama culimadiii degtay.

Ka dib waxay usoo guureen taiga yare e xaafada loo yaqaano jameeco wayn manta oo kaneecadu ku yarayd. Taasina waxay inoo cadaynaysaa in xaafadii ugu horaysay ee Hargeysa la dego ay ahayd xaafada Jameecada goobta uu masaajidka jameecadau ku yaallo. Sida magaca jameecada laga dhisan karo waa eeray carabi ah oo micnaheedu yahay dadka isku soo ururay ama koox culimo ah, waxaana Sheikh Madar (AHN) iyo culimadiisii la socotay ee meeshaasi degtay loogu magac daray.

Mar haddii la damcay in Hargaysa si joogta ah loo dago, waxaa lagama maarmaan noqotay in la helo cunto iyo hooygii lagu noolaan lahaa, wuxuuna sheikh Madar ku guubaabiyey culimadii joogtay in dhulka la tabcado, si cunto looga soo saaro, isla markaana la sameeyo beero lagu beero hadhuudhka.

Waxaa kale oo intaasi ku daray oo uu ka codsaday beesha ku xeel dheer bir tumista inay soo diyaariyaan boqol gudmood oo dhirta cufan lagu jarjaro. Waxaa intaasi xigtay in jameeco weyn laga sameeyo dhul banana oo ood lagu soo wareejiyey lagana dhigo masaajid lagu tukado diintana lagu barto.

Tallabadii taasi xitay waxay ahayd in la dhiso guryo ay culimadu ku hoyoto ama ay seexdaan, waxana la bilaabay in la dhiso aqal soomaali oo xilligaasi ahaa waxa la dhisto oo u sahli karaayey in si dhib yar loo guuro.

Haweenka oo xilligaasi ahaa aqoonyahano ku xeel dheer xirfada lagu dhiso aqal soomaliga ayaa kaalin libaax leh ka qaatay dhismaha guryahaan.

Sanadkii 1870kii oo ahaa xilligii uu maamulka Turkigu ka talin jiray Somaliland, waxay jameecadu yeelatay ciidan ku hubaysan qoryo uu siiyey maamulkii cusmaaniyiintu. Hubkaasi may haysan dadkii reer guuraaga ahaa ee degi jriay Hargaysa agagaarkeeda. In muddo ka dib, waxaa muuqatay in masaajidkii ooda ahaa uu dadkii qaadi waayo oo loo baahday in la balaadhiyo, waxaan lagama maarmaan noqotay in dargad weyn laga sameeyo goobta masaajidku ku yaalay. Waa masaajidkii imika la yidhaahdo jameeco weyn.

Dawlada maser ee wakiilka uga ahayd dawaladii cusmaaniyiinta ee ka talin jirtay geeska Africa ayaa waxa kaxaysay dad soo barta xirafada dhsimaha guryaha dhagaxa ah loo dhsio waxaa ka mid ahaa Cabdilahi maxamud Hiraab.

Sanadkii 1883 ayaa masaajidkii jameecada loo beddalay dhagax ama daar lana dhamaystiray. Waxaa kale oo laynoo soo tebiyey in tafsiirka Quraanka si jooto ah loogu baran jiray masajidka Jameeco weyn, halkaasina waxa inoo cadaatay in gurigii ugu horeeyey ama dhismihii ugu horeeyey ee dhagax laga dhiso Hargaysa uu aha Masaajidka Jameeco wayn sanadkii 1883.

Wixii intaasi ka danbeyey Hargaysi waxay noqotay goob ganacsi oo lagu iibiyo alaaboyinka ay ka midka ahaayeen: timirta, bariiksa, buuriga i.w.m. Gurigii labaadna ee loogu hordhisay wuxuu ahaa guriga imika ku yaala qudbiga sheikh Madar (AHN) ee xaafada Sheekh Madar ku yaala oo la dhisay 1895,

markii hore gurigan waxaa iska lahaa nin maalqabeen ahaa oo u dhashay dalka Ingiriiska isago ugaaddhsanaya ayuu Libaax dhaawac halis ah u gaystay ka dibna waxaa daaweeyey sheikh Madar, markaasuu isna gurigiisii ku wareejiyey. Markii uu sheikh Madar (AHN) Hargaysa bilaabay may jirin wax biyo ah oo laga cabo, waxaana laga soo dhaamin jiray ceelka Xaraf ku yaala iyto ceelka Dhogor (Aw-barkhadle).

Waxaa xusid Muddan in aanu xilligaasi jirin maamul ama dawlad u talisa reer guuraaga oo ay u hogaansamaan, oo aan ka ahayn xooga qabiilnimo, qof waliba wuxuu sitay waran iyo gaashaan oo xilligaasi ahaa hubka ugu xoogan iyagoo halhays ka dhigan jiray maahmaahada soomaaliyeed “Dagaal gondahaaguu ka dhashaa.”

Muddo ka bacdi sheikh Madar (AHN) wuxu Hargaysa ka sameeyey maamul aan ku salaysnayn qabiil kaliya, balse ka kooban qabiilooyin kala duwan oo ka tirsanaa Jameecada, Islama markaana lagu maamulo Kitaabka quraanka kariimka ah iyo sunaha rasuulka (CSW). Sheekh Madar wuxu haystay ama aaminsanaa dariiqada qaadiryada maca jameecadiisa.

Sheek Madar wuxuu nabad waarta ka dhaliyey Hargaysa iyo agagaarkeeda sida uu yidhi qoraaga caanka ah ee F.M. Lewis “Hargaysa waxay ahayd janno nabad ah oo ay ku wareegsan yihiin reero dirirsani.” Waxaana weedha maanta loogu yeedho Somaliland.

 

 

magaalada hargaysa iyo xiligii halganka

dhibaatooyinkii ka dhacay 1982 – 1988

Waa Taariikh aan dib ugu egayno cadaadiskii lagu hayey reer Somaliland ee sababay in dagaal hubaysan lagala hortago taliskii Dhisnaa ee Dawladii Somaaliyeed Madaxweyne Maxamed siyaad bare. Alaha u naxariste

Lama soo koobi karo dhacdooyinkii Xanbaarsanaa DULMIKII , DILALKII iyoXASUUQII ka dhacay gobolada Somaliland 1980-1988 .. Haddii Aan Soo Qato . Magaalada Madaxda Hargeysa oo aan waqtikaas deganaan jiray / Bal aan wax Yar oo Taariikh ah iidiin ka sheegeeyo oo ka Faaideysta Xasuustan aan dib uu soo kocday .

Weli dad badan baan Fahmin Nabada iyo Dawlada Somaliland sidii ay ku Timi Wax loo baahan yahay In la Xasuusto Dadkii la Xasuuqay iyo Dadkii Shahiiday Bal aan Ceelkii SMN uu Arooro in ay Biyo ku jiraan Haddii loo baahdo dad weli Haraadan ay Jiraan 27 May1988 //Geedigii uu horeeyey waxay soo cagadhigteen SNM tu Magaalada BURCO ay ka EEDaameen Salaadii Subax kuna Tugadeen Xeradii Ciidamadii Balanbalay ee Taliskii Siyaad / aan soo koobee .,Farxadii labaad waxay ka Diyaantay Maalintii Sadexaad Caasimada Hargeysa oo aan markaas joogay kana mid ahaa Dib jirka magaalada Degnaan jiray . / Barikaas markii ay soo galeen

Magaalda Burco Mujaahidiintii SNM ay Ciidamadii Faqashtu ku riday Argagax iyo Caga Juleey Dadkii Degenaa Magaalada Hargeysa Maalintii Labaadna Dhamaan Odayaashii M/Har ayaa Jeelka loo Taxaabay iyo Wixii shicibka ahaa oo Wadooyinka ay ka helaan iyo 180 Askari oo laga soo ururiyey Ciidamada Xooga Dalka ee laga Shakiyey Beelaha Sh Isaaq //

Dadkaas oo Gaadhayey 1600-1800 waxa la kala geeyey Jeelasha Xerada Birjeex /Jeelka NNSTA /Jeelka Hangashta /Jeelka Xerada Duub-Casta iyo Saldhiga Buliiska dadkaasi 95% waa la Xasuuqay waxana ka masuul ahaa Duubcastii Taliyaha Moorgan iyo GOra Jaan ,

iyo Kuwo Weli la doondoonayo /Nasiib Daro dadkaas iyaga oo Raxan Ran ah waxay ku Aaseen Laakta MALGA DURDURO ,,Biriijka LIIQLIIQATO hoostiisa / Garoonka Birjeex ka danbeeyey /iyo Doga Hareysa Culb / Gurika Martida (Rest House) dabadiisa iyo Fooqa Gani Agtiisa iyo Xerada NNSTA Duleedkeeda Ilaahay JNHK..DADKAAS .

Habeenkii ay soo galeen 31 May 1988 Mujaahidiintii SNM Magaalda Hargeysa 2.30 ayaa waxa Bilaamatay Codkii Hubka iyo Gariirkii ka soo HINRAAGAYEY Dhinaca Koonfur SW M/Hargeysa. .Habeenkaasi Cirka Aad buu Madobaa ,Neexow fiican iyo Daruuro ayaa Hadheeyey M/HAr ,

Ciidamadii faqashtu waxay Dhufeys ka qodanayeen Xeryohoodii , / Cirka waxa ka muuqday /25 Miles SQU NAbaalka ama RAska Signalka ah ee Hawada loo Tuuro oo ah 4 Nooc ah /SAHANKA (Bule Light ) /NABADA (White light /KHATARTA (RED light ) iyo GURMARKA (orange iyo red ) ay tuurayeen Baalo Xooftadii Ciidamadii Faqashtu ee Jaqayey DHiika Shicibka . waxa ka dhex -muuqaday Hubka lays weydaasanyey /Nasiib wanaaag 3.00 pm Codkii Hubka wuxuu soo dhowaadoba wuxuu soo Gaadhay Gurikii Fooqa Gaani uu Fadhiyo Taliyihii GAcan –Dhiilaha Moorgan .. (1 hr Later) Waxay ka qiiqday Xeradii Birjeex iyo Xeradii daraawiista iyo GAroonkii Xaafada GAANBO AMXAARO ///

Markii la gaadhay 5AM ayaanu ka soo degnay GURYIHII Dushood ee Magaalda Har aanu ka daawaneynay Arrintaas /6.00 Am ayaa Xabadihii istaageen waxanu araknay Qiiq dhul heehaabanaya dhamaan Xeryihii Askarta Joogtay /Dadkii oo yaaban Mucjisadan ilaa Xalay oo dhan socoday NAtiijadii ka soo baxday .

.Waxaan uu baanahay cid naga qancisa ////6.30-7 ayaa Sedeedii wiil ee ugu Horeeyey ku soo gudbeen Wadada Hargeysa Culb ka Timaada kuna Nasteen Gurikii SIxiroolihii Sh Bilise ee Dhaktarka ( General Hospital ) ka danbeeyey//

Farxadii Sedexaad ayaan ka qeyb galay .. Mushxaradii Sawaxankii iyo Salaamihii loo Hanbalyeeynay Jabhaddii SNM .. Aanu ku soo dhoweenay Gacmo furan Markii Ilaahay NAGA aqbal DUCDII .Habeenkaas /.9,00 am ayaanu mar labaad Arakay Inamadayadii SNM oo Raxan Raxan uu socoda Kuna Jeeni Qaaran Silsilado Rasaasi ka Buuxdo iyo Miinooyinka ay Gacanta ku sitaan

….DHabarka Waxay ku sitaan Kumucyadii BASUUKA ah iyo Sahaydoodii , Wiilashaasi waxay uu socodeen sidii Gow boyska oo Xadhiidhsan uu Horgacayo Nin Radiow Fooniya wata .iyagoo RaXAN Raxan oo socoda ayey ku faafeen Magaaladii (gurikii Martida (Rest House)

ila New Hargeysa aaga uu dhexeeya iyagoo marba meel uu siqaya ama uu Ruqaansanya Jiida hore , Dumarkii iyo Caruurtii baa daba Yaacayey iyaga oo Qaadaya Heeso aan ka sii Xasuusto (DHULKA SOW ANIGU MALEH ) eg Iyo Soo Dhowaada Geesiyadiyow soo Dhowada /Waxaan Xasuustay Maalintaas Siiradii NABI -MAXAMED CSW markii ay Furteen Axsaabtii Magaalda MAKA.Mukarama /.

aan soo koobee 3 Cisho ka dib 10..00 am Waxay Ciidamadii Naflacaariku ee Dawladda ka soo Galeen Wadada Air porka ka Timaada iyaga oo Walwaalaya .GAARAHA GURGUURTA ,BMKA ,Gasswaadhida Kaashaaman /MAdaaficda la jiidayo oo Xeryahoodii ku soo noqdeen intii Hadhay /

Haddan waxay Maqalan Hubka Culus oo ka dhacya Koonfur Magaalada Har ee Masalaha laysu adeegsaday Anti Air Garaaf iyo Madaafii uu Watay Gan ku Dhiilaha Col Goora Jaan Ciidankaas oo ahaa kuwii Kaydka Faqashta oo Jilbka uu digeen qeyb ka mid SNMta

oo ka waabiyey in ay soo galaan Magaalda Hargeysa , isla Markaas Waxa Duushay Diyaradii ugu horeeysay intay Magaalda Dulmartay bay Hadana Fadhiistay/ /waxay Samaacdo aad uu qeylinaya soo dhigeen BAR Hargeesa Hortiisa oo Qaadaysa Heeska (Samadiidow dabin baa xidhan lagu dilidoonee )

oo hore Degahayaga uga batatay // waxaan arkay gaadhi Jiib ah uu wato Sarkaal SNM ah iyo Sedex Mujaahid Meel uu nagaga yimi ma garaneyen laakiin Markii danbe lay sheegay in uu yahay Muj MUSe Biixi uu ku soo wareegay ila Dawlada Hoose ila kaalinta ina galan dabdeed Xaafada Xero OOR Dusheeda ayuu Istaag Gaadhikii SNM tu .

waxay uu Ruqaansadeen M/Snm Wadada Dhakhtark ee Jeeda Hore ilaa Daamkii Biyo Xidheenka New Hargeysa /Anigu Markaas waxan garab taagneen 10 kii wiil oo Fadhiistay Hoteelka TOGDHEEER ./Dabeed waxaan dareenay Intayadii HAwlaha ciidanka wax ka Yaqiin In lay Horfadhiistay (Face to Face )

/Waxa isku Xidhmay Commandkii Ciidanka Faqashta wax loo Qaybiyey Dadkii Taageersanaa XUKuumadii Siyaad Bare Qabiilada deganaa Magaalda Hargeysa VIA Reer SH Isaaq / ayaa Hubkii lagu Taxay .iyo Qoryo qof walba /

Markii aanu Sirtii Helanay waxaanu uu Tagnay Culimadii Diinta wax ka yiqiinay in ay Dadka Taageersan Muj SNM la Gaadhsiiyaan //DUCADII NABIGA CSW uu ku Duceystay DAgaalkii Ceelka BEDER ay is Horfadhiisteen Gaaladii /// Dadkii Magaalda Hargeysa ee REER SH ISAAQna Waxa iyaguna goosteen In aan layso Diibin Ciidamada Ay is garab Taagaan Mujaahidiinta SNM Sida uu Qorayeey Xeerka SNM HIIL iyo Hooba Sababtoo waa Tii Geentay Guulaha ugu Weyn eek u Fiday Gobolada Waqooyika / Maalintaas waxa Dumarkii iyo Ardaydii ayaa isla markiiba dhigay wadooyinka FOOSTOOYIN ,

DhAGxaan waa Weyn iyo Taayiro Gubanaya lagu xijaabay LAbada Wado ee IDaacada Tegijiray iyo Wada Bebera looga Baxo / Qacdii uu horeysayba waxa ooda soo Jabsaday Ciidan uu Watay NInkii Majeerteen Col Food Cade ee ka soo Sajeeray SSDF ay Banaanka Xeradii NNSTA horteeda ay wadheen Meedkiisii ciidankiina waa Jabeen Cidamadii uu watay waxay Galeen Xeradii HanGeshta ,

isla Maalintaas ila Afar Weerar ayey soo qaadeen Ciidamadii FAqshtu ilaa Afar Sarkaal oo Hagaaminey baa ku dhintay meed badan oo askar ah oo lebisan Tuutihii Ciidamada baan ku Arkay Jeelka Hortiisa Mid ka mid ahaa ayaan Jeebkiisa kala baxnay 500 US Dollr uu ka soo Bililiqaastay Bakhaaradii Down Townka M/ Harg ..

HAddaan intaas ku dhaafo 6 Cisho ka dib Weerar kii kasta marka ay ka Jabaan Ciidamadu // Aakhirkii 6-7 june 1988 .Ciidamadii Faqshtu Waxay Adeegsadeen Madaafda Rida dheer 85 ay la ku rusheeyeen Magaalda oo dhan Maalintaas Boqolaal Qof oo shicib ah ayaa ku Nafwaayey /Maalinti Labaada BMKII 38 -40 Gaadhi ee Xabaarsan mid kiiba 12 Dhuumood ah .

baa Dab Xidh ku Sameeyey M/Har 10am –ila 5PM ay hoos yaacayeen GAAraha iyo Beebeeku laga soo bilaabo( Rest House) ilaa New Hageysa Xafadda Agaagaar Beeraha doga uu dhow ,Xaafada Gudhac dheer ee daanta Dunbluq Wadooyinka oo dhan baa Meyd baa buuxyey

aan Tiro lagu soo Goobi Karin /Maalintii Sadexaad waxa qeyb ka qaatay 4 diyaarood oo soo galay weeraradii oo Magaalda iyo Agagaar keeda Roob kaga dhigay Laakiin Nasiib Wanaag Shcibka Magaalda Faraxd Weyn baa ka muuqatay Haddii aanu Mid ka Hadheeyn .// Bil iyo 20 Cisho maalin kasta 7am -6 Pm ayey Garaacayeen Madaafiida .BMKA iyo diyaadaha MIC 17 – 19 iyo BOMBAR oo ka Sameenayey 3 Tuulimaad Maalin kasta Magaalda Hargeysa iyo Nawaaxigeeda /Dagaalkii wuxuu gaadhay Door to door oo Fooda lays Daray Dhamaan Waxa la soo Afjaray Gurmadii uga Imanayey Ciidamada Faqashta Gobolada Kale iyo Degmooyinka waxa soo Jabay Ciidaaankii Faqashta oo Gabaleed deganaa Gabeelay ,Arabsiyo Saylac ,Dararweyne ,Masalaha ilaa jidahaas oo dhowdhow and etc

 

Wajigii labaad ee weerarkii Hargaysa

Waqtigaas Magaalda Har waxay Ciidamada Faqashtu uu qeybsameen laba Nooc .Qaar ku Wareeray BiliQadii oo Baxsaday iyo Qaar Commaankii ka lumay ilaa uu Daawicii DHaktarka DigFeer ee Magalada Xamar Dhakhtarka Madiina iyo Dhakhtarka Afisyoone Sariiro looga wayey //

Magaalda Xamar //dabadeed Ciidamadii Tuutaha Sitay waa laga dhigay Dereeskii oo dhar cad baa laga dhigay si ay uu Soo galaan Xeryaha Qaxootiga iyo Ciidamadii Dhafoor Qiiq ee Mjeerteen SSDF oo Xero Gooniya Diganaa Birjeex , Ciidamadii Daraawiishta iyo Buliiskiina waa layku daray Intii Hadhay oo xarun loga dhigay Saldhikii Buliiska Shicibkii Qaxootigana waxa Xun looga dhigay Xerada Dhaamka ,Xerada Adhi Cadeys ,iyo Saba Casad Xeryahaas waxa ka mid ahaa

  • XERADA AGABAR degmada Gabiilay
  • XERADA XEEDHO Degmada Hargeysa 6 Miles North M/Har
  • XERADA aAdhi Cadey Degmada Har 16 miles East ,
  • XERADA DAamka degmada magalada Hargeysa Xaafada Gacan Libaax
  • Xerada Sabo Xad East Hargeysa /
  • XErada BIXIN DUULA degmada Berbera 32 Miles South / iyo
  • Xerada Dila Degmada Boorama /

Dhamaantood waxa laga xukumi jiray Xafiiska Xerada GANAD EE Xaafada x-awr dusheeda Magaalada Hargeysa //Si aad uu Fahantaan Xeryada GAnad waa Xarunti Qaxootiga isla Markaas waxa deganaa Qaxooti Hubeeysan ee Laga soo raray Xerada Xeedho . waxay hoose Iman Jireen Shikhada madax Banaan oo la oran jiray RRS oo Xarunta aheed Xarunta Dhexdeeda iyo Taliska Guud Magaalda Xamar oo toos ugu Xidhnaa Madaxdooyada Somali iyo Beesha OGAADEEN oo Qandaas lagu Siiyey Mr Maslax iyo Dhamaan Qabiilada Hilika Shanaad Beelaha Degan . Mid kasta wakiil uu joogay Xeradaas Ganad marka laga reebo Beelaha Isaaq //

Xeryahaas oo dhan Waxaa ka diiwaan ka shanaa 4 Million 500,000 Qof oo Been ah marka layku daro Somalida Hilinka Shaan iyo OROMO Laakiin ay Tiradaas Qaxootigka ah ay Aduunka ka qaadan jireen Lacag Tuugtii UNCR ee Fadhiyey Nayroobi / Xero kasta waxa Joogay Ciidan Gaar ah oo hubeeysan Laakiin aan direes Sidan //looma ogoleen in ay Cidi shoqo ka hesho dadka Magaalada Hargeysa iyo Reer Sh ISAAQ //

waxa iagyna Magaaldii ku hadhay Xerada Birjeex Dafoor qiiqi waxa ka diiwaan 5.000 oo been ah ay Adawladii Afweyne Mushar ka qaadan Jiray waxay ahayeen 50 -280 Nin oo Sakhraamin uu badnaa .waxa Magaaladii ku soo Hadhay Ciidanka Beelaha oo Ogaadeen oo la dejeey Xarunta ( Rest House )

Fooqkii Gaani waxa la dejiyey Taliskii Oromadii dhamaan Wixii reer Boorome joogayna waxay ii Tageen Dadkoodii Boorame , Waqtikaas Shicibkii Magaalada waxay ka dabaal degeynay Geed DAABLEEY .Dabeed waxa dhacay Weeradii uu danbeeyey Xaruntii Ganad uu Dagaal ka socoday 7ba Cisho oo aan loo Nasan /

Maalintaas SNMtii 70 Laad-kurusar .180 Gaadhi oo Isjiida ah iyo Raashinkii ayey Gacanta ku dhigeen In kastuu Dab sii Qabadsiiyeen markii laga Saaray Qaxootikii Hubeysanaa iyo Ciidamadii /Mudo ka dib Ilaa ay Soo Rideen Diyaaradii Fookorta ee Xamar-to Hargeysa Dawac iyo Sahayda soo Rari Jirtay Siina Rari Jirtay Waxayna Xidheen Wadadii GOBOLKA AWDAL ka timaada waxa Furmay Wada Socodkii Gobolada HARGEYSA ,BURCO iILa Gobolka Sanaag.

 

 

ALLAA Mahad & Mudnaanba leh,

TELL: 063-4000578

AHMED RASHEED

HARGEISA SOMALILAND

 

Somaliland1991 News Center

19 Ogos 2017

Could Somalia (Somaliland) Become New Gateway to Africa?

by , at 11:00 am, August 11, 2017, Business

Could Somalia Become New Gateway to Africa?

Gateway to Africa
The port of Berbera in Somaliland. Photo credit: Wikipedia

Last week, Somaliland – a semi-autonomous district in Somalia – received $442 million in foreign investment from Dubai-based development firm DP World.

The fund, which is aimed at rehabilitating the port of Berbera on the Gulf of Aden, is expected to have a major impact on Somalia’s economy, considering that very few countries have shown interest in the troubled nation in recent years.

Such investments are rare, especially in a country where terror attacks by the local jihadist group al-Shabaab have been occurring almost on a daily basis.

The deal with DP World, therefore, comes as a surprise to a lot of people, particularly critics who have always regarded Somalia as a failed state.

A New Gateway to Africa?

Berbera Port

The agreement is part of a government-to-government memorandum of understanding between the Republic of Somaliland and Dubai to reinforce their strategic relations.

The government of Somaliland hopes to use this investment to rival its neighbor Djibouti as an entry point and a hub for East African Trade.

Government officials are optimistic that the new port, which will be managed by DP World for the next three decades, will make the larger Somalia the new gateway to Africa.

The port of Berbera is the official seaport of Berbera, the capital of Somaliland. Since its opening in 1968, the port has been serving as a naval and missile base for the central government of Somalia and the U.S. military.

Its strategic location at the top of trade routes in the Gulf of Aden, East Africa, and the Red Sea makes it the most convenient seaport for vessels coming in from different corners of the world.

It is also a perfect trade route for landlocked countries, such as Ethiopia, which largely relies on the neighboring Djibouti for more than 90 percent of its foreign trade.

Experts say the deal with DP World is well-timed as it will help to address the ever-growing problem of youth unemployment and poverty in the larger Somalia.

Renewed Interest

Capital of Somaliland, Hargeisa

In 2013, the government of Somaliland, in conjunction with the Raysut Cement Company of Oman, announced a plan to construct a new state-of-the-art cement terminal at the port.

The terminal will have three silos, each with a capacity of 4,000 tons.

These ventures are set to revolutionize operations at the port, making it the preferred point of entry for traders and logistics companies. They also represent Somalia’s influence on the world stage.

Somaliland, which lies on the southern coast of the Gulf of Aden, northwestern Somalia, is a self-declared state and an internationally recognized autonomous region of Somalia.

The presidential government of this de facto state regards itself as the successor state to the former British Somaliland Protectorate, which merged with the trust territory of Somaliland in 1960 to form the Somali Republic.

The current President of Somaliland is Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud.

Laas Geel Finding Somaliland’s ancient cave art is hard. Protecting it could be harder.

Finding Somaliland’s ancient cave art is hard. Protecting it could be harder.

August 16, 2017 Hidden in the Somali desert, beneath stunning, ancient rock cave paintings, the thin trail of a snake traces a winding line across the dust. A few strands of once-protective barbed wire are pushed to the side; goat tracks abound.

Somaliland’s most prized archaeological treasures – which locals fearfully called “the place of the devils” for centuries – could not be more remote.

Exposed to the elements, the colors have changed since caretaker Musa Abdi Jama first saw them at a distance in 1969. Back then, everyone in the local villages thought the place was haunted. No one visited.

Scott Peterson/The Christian Science Monitor/Getty Images
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Today, the aging pastoralist laughs at the memory of the myths he heard about the place as a child – passed on to him as they were from one generation to the next around dinnertime family campfires.

“We believed it was drawn by the devil with blood,” he says, “and believed that when we slaughtered a goat for protection, the devil would come and suck the blood from the sand.”

The uniformed Mr. Jama uses a cane to point out features of the Neolithic paintings: the hunters with bows and arrows; long-horned cattle, antelope, giraffes, and elephants; and women giving water to a dog – being “more kind” than the hunters, he says.

Striking in their red and dun colors and more than 5,000 years old, the cave paintings are tucked away in the overhangs of a nondescript rock outcropping. The cave lies at the end of a miles-long track across inhospitable desert, 40 miles northeast of Hargeisa, the capital of the remote Horn of Africa nation of Somaliland – a de facto state that declared independence from Somalia in 1991. The nation, whose territory was once a British colony, has remained largely peaceful, even as the rump Somalia state to the south has been torn by conflict for decades.

But Somaliland remains internationally unrecognized – and that ambiguous political status is a key difficulty preventing Laas Geel paintings and other Somali treasures from being listed as a United Nations World Heritage site, which would provide a major boost in protecting and promoting this historical heritage. 

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Universal value?

To be added to UNESCO’s World Heritage list, a site must be of “outstanding universal value” and meet at least one of 10 criteria. Somaliland’s rock art appears to meet at least two of those, including bearing “a unique or at least exceptional testimony to a cultural tradition or to a civilization which is living or which has disappeared.”

A listing would provide new protections, along with prestige on par with the more-famous paintings in France’s Lascaux or Spain’s Altamira caves.

Yet the Somalia government in Mogadishu has yet to ratify UNESCO’s 1972 World Heritage Convention – despite registering intent to do so last year. No Somali site was included in the 21 new cultural sites designated in early July when the World Heritage Commission met in Krakow, Poland.

The new designations include caves and Ice Age art in the Swabian Jura mountains in Germany, and three sites in Africa, including Eritrea, Angola, and South Africa.

Official recognition and protection status is required by UNESCO if sites such as Laas Geel are to be preserved, says Saad Ali Shire, the foreign minister of Somaliland.

“It’s not just important to Somaliland; it’s a global heritage. It belongs to me as much as it belongs to you,” says Dr. Shire. “If we lose it, it’s not just a loss to Somaliland, but a loss to everyone.”

A visit to Laas Geel

Today, when caretaker Jama speaks about protection at Laas Geel, he is not speaking about a fear of demons. Instead, he worries about deterioration of a site that could attract visitors and put Somaliland on the archaeological map.

The day after Jama pointed a French archaeological team to the site in 2002 – the first outsiders to “discover” the caves, and date them to 5,000 years old – he says he received a surprise message from the Somaliland president, telling him: “You are responsible for this area.”

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Honored by the request, Jama had to overcome his nervousness after a lifetime of hearing the stories. The next day was his first time to actually visit the cluster of caves and their rich paintings up close.

These days, a sign warns visitors about the fragility of the ancient art, instructing that they not be touched. But there is little else protecting the site except a single metal bar across the rocky road leading to the outcroppings.

Several UNESCO teams have visited, officials here say, but every bid to add the site to a global list has been thwarted by the fact that neither the United Nations nor any country recognizes Somaliland.

History rubbed away

Shire advocates for UNESCO recognition at Laas Geel, but also notes that more than 100 sites of historical importance have been identified in Somaliland, including cave paintings, centuries-old cities and ports, and ancient cemeteries. “We need to have a strategy to preserve this and other sites, and also do some exploration,” he says. “There is a lot of valuable heritage to be discovered.”

Those words are echoed by Somali anthropologist Najib Shunuf, who has studied the rock art and advocates for its wider recognition.

“It’s one of the rarest places in the world, where you can find such a very well decorated place. We are lucky to have something of that standard in Somaliland [that] looks like it was painted two years ago. It’s like going to a gallery in France or New York,” says Mr. Shunuf.

“There are already some deterioration of the colors, [and] many tourists going there with no knowledge,” says Shunuf. “People are touching it, people are sitting on it, and using flash photography, which can damage it in the long run.”

Cracks in the walls let in dirt and water, causing further damage, he adds. Some harm has even come from amateur archaeologists, who have scratched some paintings with knives.

Back at the rock caves, Jama points out how a layer of dust has obscured some of the images. Some grit is shaped in the form of rivulets, from water that once trickled here.

“It’s different from the day it was discovered; then it was bright colors, but not now,” says Jama. During a recent visit from the French team that first brought the art to world attention 15 years ago, “they were surprised because they knew it [then] was very colorful,” he says.

Jama shows where a protective wall had once been built. But today, the ancient paintings face the desert, exposed at their high perches along the rock outcropping.

“The rain, the wind and the dust can wash it out,” says Jama. “It needs more protection.”

 

Source: The Christian Science Monitor

Taladii Talyanle Tebeyey , W/Q: Cali Cabdi Coomay

 

 

Taladii Talyanle Tebeyey , W/Q: Cali Cabdi Coomay


Thursday, August 10, 2017 11:33:46
Doodo kala duwan ayaa la gabtay, iyada oo distoorka Soomaalilaan la eegay, waxaan markiiba soo booday qoddobka 130-naad firqadiisa 4aad ee tilmaamay mudada

3/5/2002 ayuu madaxweyne Cigaal ‘AHN’ ku geeriyooday dalka Koonur afrika gaar ahaan magaalada Biritooriya dhakhtar ku yaalla. Markii warka geeridu uu soo gaadhay gudaha Soomaalilaan waxa ay dadku walaac ka qabeen waxa xigi doona iyo xalku uu ku dambayn doono dalku, iyaga oo qaarkood wadnaha farta ku hayey, oo xusuusnaa dhibaatooyinkii uu madaxweyne Cigaal dalka kala dabaashay. Shirar kala duwan oo lagu gorfeynayo xaalada dalka iyo waxa la yeelayo, dabadeed labadii gole-distoore ee Baarlamaanka iyo Guurtidu ayaa bilaabay ka arrinsiga xaalada.

Doodo kala duwan ayaa la gabtay, iyada oo distoorka Soomaalilaan la eegay, waxaan markiiba soo booday qoddobka 130-naad firqadiisa 4aad ee tilmaamay mudada kala guurka ah ee aan weli

xisbiyo lagu tartamin inuu xilka madaxweynenimo qabanaayo Guddoomiyaha Golaha Guurtida. Iyada oo uu distoorkii halkaasi taagan yahay, ayuu Guddoomiyihii Golaha Guurtida Sh. Ibraahin Sh. Yuusuf Sh. Madar’AHN’ go’aansaday inuu xilka madaxweynenimo u dhaariyo madaxweyne ku-xigeenkii Daahir Riyaale Kaahin, sidaasina uu Daahir Riyaale madaxweyne ku noqday, iyada oo distoorkii la baalmaray.

Dabadeed Sheekh Ibraahin ayey gurigiisii ugu tageen rag siyaasiyiin ahaa oo ay isku hayb yihiin, waxaanay ku yidhaaheen” Sheekh maxaad xilka madaxweynenimo u qaban weyday, ileyn adiga ayuu distoorku ku siinayaa inaad xilka qabato ‘e?” markaasuu Sheekh Ibraahin ugu jawaabay” waar ninkii Daahir Riyaale Kaahin ee aan xalay dhaariyey xilka madaxweynenimo saaka ku qabsan mayo ee I daaya, wax kasta ha ahaatee”.

Sidoo kale ayey haddana rag kale u tageen Sheekh Ibraahin oo ay kala hadleen isla arrintii, sidii kuwii hore oo kale ayuu u qanciyey, waxaanu ku yidhi” waar ma waxaad doonaysaan in la yidhaa kursiga Isaaq ayuun baa iska haysta, oo waa tii Siyaad Barre oo kale?, taasi ka dhicimayso dalkan, waxa aynu ummadda tusaynayaa in Soomaalilaan la wada leeyahay”.

Wixii faahfaahin ah ka eeg buugga” GO’AAN IYO GEESINNIMO ee ka hadlaya Sooyaalkii Sh. Ibraahin Sh. Yuusuf Sh. Madar”. Sidaasi oo kale xildhibaan Talyanle waxa ay ahayd inuu inuu eego xaalada taagan iyo mustaqbalka waxa soo socda, oo ku yidhaahdo kuwan dib u soo kiciyey” waar ninkii Baashe ee aan shalay hambalyeeyey, caawa ku qabsan maayo ee orda oo iga taga”.

Sidaasi ayey sharaftu ku jirtay, oo dalkana ka badbaadin lahayd buuq siyaasadeed. In dib wax loo eego dhib ma leh, balse wax ka sii qurux badnayn inuu dhaafto, si buuq looga baaqsado, oo uu danta dalka eego. Haddii ay doorshadani ku dhici lahayd bilaa buuq, waxa laga saadaalin lahaa in madatinimo ee soo socota iyadana si fiican loogu kala bixi lahaa.

Waxa la yidhi MEYD WAXA U DAMBEEYEY KAA LA SII SIDO, madaxweyne Siillaanyo wuxuu aqbalay in 80 cod lagaga helay oo wuu hambaleeyey, iyada oo madmadow badani ku jiray 80-kii cod ee lagaga helay.

Dhammaan go’aanadaasi waxa ay ina barayaan siday dalka buuq siyaasadeed uga baajiyeen ragaasi oo ay dib u liqeen damacoodii. Kaalintii Guddoomiye Cirro ayaa meesha iyana ka maqnayd, oo waxa la gudboonayd inuu yidhaa waxaanu haynaa inay 39 xildhibaan u codeeyeen Talyanle, balse qaranka Soomaalilaan ayaanu u tanaasulay oo qas iyo jahawareer siyaasadeed dalka gelin meyno. Balse isna taladaasi way seegtay. Siyaasiyiinta Soomaalilaan waa inay darsaan taariikhihii dadkii dalka soo maray iyo damacoodii siday u liqeen ee ay danta ummadda ugu hiilliyeen, si ay wax uga bartaan.

Cali Cabdi Coomay

Suxufi, qoraa ah.

Hargaysa, Soomaalilaan.

Calicoomay@hotmail.com

 

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Kiniisadda Hargeysa yaa dhisay?

Kiniisadda Hargeysa yaa dhisay?
 
 
Waxa warbixintan innoo haya aqoon-yahan sarre waa Axmed Ibraahim Cawaale
 
Ahmed Ibrahim Awales foto.
 
warbixinta qaybta hore ee aqoon-yahn Ahmed Ibraahim Cawaale kaga hadlayo ammuurta ku saabsan Kiniisadda.
 
Ahmed Ibrahim Awale
 
Ahmed Ibrahim Awale waxa dhisay French Roman Catholic Mission. Waa isla kuwii Berbera, kaddiba Dhaymoole ka dhisey mikinisadda dhammaadkii qarnigii 19aad.
 
Kaddib kacdoonkii Ina Cabdalle Xasan iyo dareenkii galey Soomaalida Ingiriisku dhowr jeer ayuu codsiga dhismaha mikinisadda ka oggolaan waayey (illen digo niman gelini muu guban e),
ugu dambayntii se waa oggolaadey. Ingiriiskuna waxa uu dhistey tii Barootestanka ee dhinaca bari ka saarnayd dhismaha Wasaaradda Maaliyadda.
 
 
 
Warbixinta qaybta 2 aad
Ahmed Ibrahim Awale
 
Labada dhisme mid sida aad sheegtay dhagax ayuu ka samaysan yahay, ta labaad oo hadda burbur ah, kana dhex dhisan deyrka dhinaca bari kaga dhegsan Wasaaradda Maaliyadda, oo hore uga koobnaa dhismihii mikinisadda iyo guri yar oo wadaadku ku jiri jiray,
 
waxa laga sameeyey leben dusha lagaga talbiisay nuurad. Dagaalkii 1988 kaddib jiingadda ayaa laga goostey, kaddibna lebenkii ayaa maydhmey. Sidii ayey burbur u tahay
 
Tan dambe 1984kii waxa dib u habayn ku sameeyey gaal la odhon jiray Siegfrid Koch, lana baxay “Farxaan” oo ahaa ninkii hay’addiisu dhistey Xarunta Agoomaha ee Hargeisa. Sida aan meel kale ku sheegayna waxa labada kala dhisey a) French Roman Catholic Mission, iyo b) Ingiriiska.
 
FG: Tan dambe ee buuqu ka dhacey waxa 1996kii dayactir ku sameeyey nin Soomali ah oo Masiixi ahaa, oo la odhon jirey Fidel Gregory, Soomaaliduna u taqaannay Fideel Gidhi gidhi una joogay hay’adda Caritas.
 
 
 
 
 
Xigasho: Axmed Ibraahim Cawaale

 

 

Khawaajihii baa Yaabey!

Nin caddaan ah oo aannu faysbuugga jaal ku nahay oo ka yaabban tirada badan ee muuqaallada mikinisadeed ee maalmahan Soomaalida dhexdeeda ku wareegaya ayaa igula kaftamay sidan:.
Kuye, “Axmedow masiixiyaddii ma nas iyo nasiib baa uga soo dhex baxay dalkiinna, waa maxay dooddan socotaa?”
Markaan u faahfaahiyey sida ay wax u jiraan ayuu yidhi “Bilowgii, mikinisadahaas talo Soomaaliyeed laguma dhisan, se maanta kol haddii Soomaali dhexdeeda qaar u doodayaan in la furo, waa isla naskii aan sheegayey ee u soo baxay masiixiyadda!”

Bal adba!